Category Archives: queer

In which I try to explain why “heritability” is not quite the same thing as “heritable”

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ResearchBlogging.orgRobert Kurzban responds in the ongoing “adaptive” homophobia kerfuffle (henceforth, the O.A.H.K.) with continued confusion about how biologists identify possible adaptations and test to see whether natural selection is responsible for them. He notes that one effect of natural selection is to remove heritable variation in traits under selection, so that many traits which are probably adaptations—arguably, sometimes the best-adapted traits—actually have zero heritability.

This is true. But it’s important to note that a trait having zero heritability, or no genetic variation, is not the same thing as that trait not being heritable, or having no genetic basis. If the trait has zero heritability, the observed variation in the trait may not be heritable, but the trait still may be. Kurzban’s confusion over this distinction may be a fault of the terminology, as was pointed out to me in a couple independent conversations following the last round of the O.A.H.K.

That aside, reduced heritable variation in a trait—relative to appropriate standards for comparison, like other traits in the same species or the same trait in closely related species—is sometimes used to infer that selection has acted on that trait in the past. This is what my lab has done in the case of Joshua tree and its pollinators, which Kurzban cites. This sort of approach provides only indirect evidence of natural selection’s activity—but it’s often the best you can do when your focal species isn’t amenable to growing in a lab or greenhouse within the span of a single grant cycle.

The two varieties of Joshua tree, because apparently these are part of the discussion now. Photo by jby.

The comparison to other traits or to other species is the critical point here. Without it, you can’t determine whether a lack of genetic variation is due to strong selection, or due to the fact that there is no genetic basis for the trait. In isolation, the observation that there is no heritable variation for a single trait or behavior in a single species doesn’t tell you much except that natural selection cannot currently be acting on the observed range of variation in that trait. If there’s no genetic basis for the trait at all, then it cannot have been under selection in the past, either.

Forming hypotheses versus testing them

Regarding Kurzban’s broader point about how biologists identify adaptations:

Futuyama’s textbook, which Yoder cites for the discussion of heritability, indicates the following: “Several methods are used to infer that a feature is an adaption for some particular function” (p. 261), and lists the criteria that evolutionary psychologists rely on, including complexity, evidence of design, experiments, and so on. From the material I quoted in my prior post, it seems to me that by indicating the two kinds of evidence that are necessary for inferring a feature is an adaptation, Yoder is rejecting Futuyama’s claim that one can infer adaptation from its form, complexity, and so on.

Here Kurzban is confusing how we initially infer that a trait or behavior might be an adaptation with how we actually demonstrate that a trait or behavior is an adaptation. Forming a hypothesis is not the same thing as testing it, as Jon Wilkins explained so well. If Kurzban is accurately representing evolutionary psychology’s standards of evidence, then he’s confirmed Wilkins’s accusation that evo psych usually doesn’t go beyond the step of forming a plausible hypothesis to collecting the data that can test it.

Demonstrating that an adaptive hypothesis is well supported by data is, as I’ve previously said, a lot of work—usually enough for more than one scientific article. Depending on what is easiest to do, building the case that a trait is an adaptation might start with a paper that merely demonstrates a trait’s function—but that trait has not been conclusively shown to be an adaptation until we know that its demonstrated function is selectively important, and that the trait itself has a genetic basis.

While familiar to anyone who reads the evolutionary biology literature, this maybe isn’t so obvious to non-biologists. This may be because popular science accounts don’t always differentiate between hypotheses with good scientific support and those with none. Walk through a zoo or a natural history museum, and you’ll read nothing but adaptive hypotheses all day—but you’ll rarely see good, deep discussion of how well they’re supported.

This is why, since I started graduate school, I’ve became rather tiresome company on trips to museums and zoos. But one of the great things about popular writing by working scientists (from my perspective as a scientist) is that it lets specialists explain exactly such finicky details of our fields directly to the public. Doing so clearly and accessibly is challenging, to be sure, but naïve, uncritical endorsements of unsupported hypotheses—about the adaptive values of human behavior, or anything else—are available in just about every major media outlet. If scientists don’t do better than that in our own science communication, what value do we have to add to the discussion?

And now something new: relevant data

Your reaction to this image might be in your genes, but the evidence is that it can change, too. Photo source unknown, presumed public domain.

Which brings us back to evaluating Gordon Gallup’s “adaptive” homophobia hypothesis. Kurzban also points to evidence (ye gads! data!) that natural selection actually could have something to work with in the case of attitudes towards homosexuals. A 2008 Australian twin study, which finds a genetic component of variation in responses to a questionnaire about attitudes towards homosexuality.

This is indeed, as Kurzban suggests, preliminary data in support of the idea that natural selection could operate on homophobia. As Neuroskeptic pointed out in the comments on my last O.A.H.K. post, it also means that natural selection could be operating on tolerance of homosexuals. It’s an interesting and important question, actually, why the authors of that study chose to frame their results as showing the heritability of intolerance, rather than the heritability of tolerance.

However, as I noted all the way back at the beginning of the O.A.H.K., we also know that homophobic attitudes can change considerably over the course of an individual’s lifetime. It’s hard to say how survey responses taken at a single point in time relate to what natural selection would actually have to work with, if homophobic attitudes or lack thereof somehow shape an individual human being’s expected reproductive fitness. Even if there is some solid genetic basis to homophobia, we still don’t have data that can rigorously determine whether or how natural selection might act on that variation.

References

Godsoe, W., Yoder, J.B., Smith, C.I., Drummond, C., & Pellmyr, O. (2010). Absence of population-level phenotype matching in an obligate pollination mutualism Journal of Evolutionary Biology, 23 (12), 2739-2746 DOI: 10.1111/j.1420-9101.2010.02120.x

Verweij, K., Shekar, S., Zietsch, B., Eaves, L., Bailey, J., Boomsma, D., & Martin, N. (2008). Genetic and environmental influences on individual differences in attitudes toward homosexuality: An Australian twin study. Behavior Genetics, 38 (3), 257-265 DOI: 10.1007/s10519-008-9200-9

In which several evolutionary psychologists still don’t understand evolution

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ResearchBlogging.orgJesse Bering has responded to criticism—by me, Jon Wilkins, and P.Z. Myers, among others—of his post about Gordon Gallup’s hypothesis that fear of homosexuals is favored by natural selection, in the form of an interview with Gallup. The result is informative, but probably not in the way intended.

To recap: Gallup proposed that homophobia could be adaptive if it prevented gay and lesbian adults from contacting a homophobic parent’s children and—either through actual sexual abuse or some nebulous “influence,” making those children homosexual. In support of this, he published some survey results [$a] showing that straight people were uncomfortable with adult homosexuals having contact with children.

I pointed out that all Gallup did was document the existence of a common stereotype about homosexuals—he presents no evidence that believing this stereotype can actually increase fitness via the mechanism he proposes, or that it is heritable.

Homophobia. And, um, everyone-else-phobia, too. Photo by yksin.

So now Gallup and Bering have responded, although they have not, I think, improved their case. There’s a lot for me to address here, so I’ll try to break it up into sections, and follow the order of the interview.

In which Gordon Gallup is not a homophobe

In the response post, Gallup (and Bering, who contributes quite a lot to the argument in his role as interviewer) takes issue with the collective objections of working biologists, but manages not to actually address those objections. Bering starts the conversation on the moral high ground:

BERING: Let’s address the elephant in the room. It’s embarrassing for me to even ask this of you, since the answer is so obviously “no” to me. Is your theory a justification of your own homophobia?

GALLUP: A lot of people think that if a person has a theory it’s a window unto their soul. I have lots of theories. (See CV (pdf).) I have a theory of homophobia, I have a theory of homosexuality, and I have a theory of permanent breast enlargement in women, just to mention a few. So that would make me a homophobic, homosexual who is preoccupied with women’s breasts.

Neither I, nor any of the other critics I’ve seen have called Gallup a homophobe. He may be uniquely bad at understanding how societal homophobia nullifies his interpretation of his survey results, but that doesn’t make him a homophobe. Thanks for clearing that up, though, guys.

Gallup then demonstrates that he either hasn’t actually read any of the latest criticism, or has missed the point entirely:

… It is interesting how my critics tip-toe around the fact that my approach is based on a testable hypothesis, and how they go out of their way to side-step the fact that the data we’ve collected are consistent with the predictions. Whether it is politically incorrect or contrary to prevailing social dogma, is irrelevant. In science, knowing is preferable to not knowing. Minds are like parachutes, they only function when they’re open. If I were a homosexual, I’d want to know about these data.

I certainly didn’t tiptoe around the testability of Gallup’s hypothesis—I wrote that (1) the data he presented do not test his hypothesis, and (2) the data we do have regarding the probable fitness benefits of homophobia and its heritability contradict his hypothesis. I’m entirely prepared to revise my conclusions given new data, but Gallup doesn’t have any.

In which at least one of us doesn’t understand heritability

In his next question to Gallup, Bering accuses me of “bungling” the definition of heritability, linking to evolutionary psychologist Rob Kurzban, who says that my brief definition of heritable as “passed down from parent to child more-or-less intact” is wrong because heritability is actually “the extent to which differences among individuals are due to differences in genes.”

Wow, dude. You are aware that what you just said means exactly the same thing as what I originally said, right?

Let’s go to the textbooks that Kurzban says I’m contradicting. Here’s the passage on heritability from Douglas Futuyma’s gold-standard undergraduate textbook Evolution (page 209):

One way of detecting a genetic component of variation, and of estimating VG [trait variation attributable to genetic differences] and h2 [the proportion of total trait variation explained by genetic variation], is to measure correlations* between parents and offspring, or between other relatives. For example, suppose that in a population, the mean value of a character in the members of each brood of offspring was exactly equal to the value of that character averaged between their two parents (the MIDPARENT MEAN) (Figure 9.20A). So perfect a correlation clearly would imply a strong genetic basis for the trait. [Bold text and bracketed notes mine; otherwise sic.]

The asterisk in that quote leads to a footnote pointing out that regression, rather than correlation, is more typically used. This is the definition of heritability that I learned in my undergraduate and graduate courses. It’s also the definition I’ve just helped teach to a class of third- and fourth-year undergraduate biology students in my capacity as a teaching assistant on a course in population biology.

In non-statistical terms (the kind I try to use on this blog), a positive regression between a parent’s traits and those of their offspring means, in fact, that the parent’s traits are passed on to their offspring, um, more-or-less intact.

Parent-offspring regression is widely used to estimate heritability [PDF], but you can also do similar analyses using trait measurements for siblings, or multiple generations on a pedigree. In all of these cases, known parental or sibling or familial relationships are proxies for genetic similarity—you can estimate heritability without knowing anything about specific genes. (In fact, sometimes biologists use genetic data to reconstruct pedigree relationships, then estimate heritability from the pedigree.) As implied in the quote from Futuyma’s textbook, this approach is statistically equivalent to showing that there is a significant portion of trait (phenotype) variation explained by genetic variation—which is where Kurzban seems to have become confused.

Wild parsnip, mostly here to break up the wall of text. Photo by Bas Kers.

Here’s a specific example near and dear to my field of study, species interactions: To determine whether parsnip webworms could be under natural selection to resist nasty chemicals produced by their food plant, the wild parsnip, May Berenbaum and Arthur Zangerl estimated the genetic component of variation [$a] in the worms’ capacity to choose food with lower levels of the toxins, and to tolerate the toxins they did eat. To do this, they raised webworm larvae of known parentage in the lab, and tested them on controlled diets. Their actual statistical analysis tested for an effect of the worms’ sibling relationships (parentage) on their ability to avoid toxins and survive them.

In all of Gallup’s lengthy response to Bering’s question about heritability, he doesn’t say a word about this kind of data with regard to homophobia. That’s because it doesn’t exist, and, as far as I can tell from the interview, he has no intention to try and collect it. To be completely fair, it’s harder to collect heritability data on humans than on webworms—but it’s hardly impossible. As Gallup notes, there are studies documenting heritability for, of all things, human grip strength [PDF].

Kurzban’s critique is correct in one very specific regard, which Bering doesn’t touch on. It is relatively difficult, both for logistic and resource-related reasons, to estimate a trait’s heritability and determine whether natural selection is acting on it within the same study. (Although there are plenty of exceptions—here’s one example [$a] pulled at random from my reference library.) That’s why I said, in my original post, that biologists expect evidence for heritability or fitness benefits in support of an initial claim that a trait or behavior is adaptive. The study I cited as an example of support for adaptation—which shows that horned lizards’ horns prevent predator attacks [PDF]—demonstrates fitness benefits, but not heritability. This point should be familiar to anyone who regularly reads the evolutionary biology literature.

Grip strength: known to be heritable. Homophobia: not so much. Photo by West Point Public Affairs.

So, again, Gallup has no data on the heritability of homophobia. The rest of his interview shows that he still doesn’t have any data to demonstrate fitness benefits for it, either.

In which evidence of fitness benefits also remains absent

Gallup then comes to the question of whether a child who would otherwise be straight can be “converted” to homosexuality by early same-sex sexual contact.

As detailed in my 1996 reply to Archer, we’ve collected data from male homosexuals that show that most gay males don’t report getting a clear sense of their homosexual orientation until they have their first same-sex postpubertal sexual experience.

Most gay men don’t know for sure that they’re gay until they’ve actually, you know, tried gay sex? Quelle surprise. This is absolutely classic mistaking of correlation for causation, and it suggests that Gallup doesn’t know much about the actual experience of sexual minorities. When you grow up surrounded by straight people, it often takes very direct evidence to convince you that you’re attracted to people of the same sex. If same-sex activity shortly after puberty can cause homosexuality, wouldn’t parents be most concerned about homosexuals having contact with teenagers? At the risk of sounding like a broken record, this is yet another thing we can’t tell from Gallup’s survey data—he asked about pre-pubescent children, and in one case 21-year-old children, but not children who have just passed puberty.

Finally, Gallup deals with the relative risk that homosexuals will molest children. He does this by moving the goalposts for pedophilia:

There is also evidence that shows that the propensity to have sex with minors is positively correlated with promiscuity among homosexual males. Unlike heterosexual pedophiles, homosexuals who have sex with minors target young postpubertal victims.

That’s not pedophilia Gallup is talking about—that’s violation of age-of-consent laws. The comparison between heterosexual-identified pedophiles, who target children, and homosexuals who have sex with post-pubertal teens under the age of consent is, frankly, intellectually dishonest. By definition those are two different groups. The comparison to make is that between all homosexuals who have had sex with minors and all heterosexuals who have had sex with minors. I would imagine that, as Gallup basically admits in his next sentence, those two groups look much more similar.

So that’s where we stand: still no evidence that homophobia is heritable, and still no evidence that it provides a fitness benefit by preventing the homophobe’s children from becoming homosexuals. Gallup’s only data are still, over fifteen years after his initial publication, a set of survey responses that are consistent with any number of hypotheses for the origins of homophobia. Claiming that those data demonstrate an adaptive function for hatred of homosexuals doesn’t just fail the standards of evidence for evolutionary biology, it’s bad scientific reasoning.

In which we come to a conclusion of sorts

In a coda to the interview, Bering accuses me and his other critics of failing to engage with Gallup’s results. I think my previous discussion, and Bering’s response to it, speak for themselves. Bering has demonstrated to me that he doesn’t understand undergraduate-level biology, and that, as Will Wilkinson suggested, he’s more interested in ginning up controversy than scientific rigor. (On which point he wins, I suppose. D&T’s visit count went through the roof when P.Z. Myers linked here.)

Bering also makes some conspicuously uninformed speculations about my own experience and motivations. I won’t dignify that with a response except to say yes, Jesse, I’m gay, and you don’t know the first thing about what I have or haven’t encountered in the way of “palpable disapproval.” First and foremost, though, I’m a scientist. Contrary to what you seem to think, I love a good counterintuitive, paradigm-shifting hypothesis, but I also expect it to be supported with data.

Bering, however, is convinced that he’s established himself as a hard-nosed scientific iconoclast in opposition to all us stodgy, dogmatic, evidence-demanding biologists. He concludes,

So, I’ll continue to dredge up any old theory, no matter how meager the supporting data …

Clearly, Jesse, I can expect nothing more of you.

References

Arden, N., & Spector, T. (1997). Genetic influences on muscle strength, lean body mass, and bone mineral density: A twin study. Journal of Bone and Mineral Research, 12 (12), 2076-2081 DOI: 10.1359/jbmr.1997.12.12.2076

Berenbaum, M., & Zangerl, A. (1992). Genetics of physiological and behavioral resistance to host furanocoumarins in the parsnip webworm. Evolution, 46 (5), 1373-84 DOI: 10.2307/2409943

Young, K. (2004). How the horned lizard got its horns. Science, 304 (5667) DOI: 10.1126/science.1094790

Campbell, D. (1996). Evolution of floral traits in a hermaphroditic plant: Field measurements of heritabilities and genetic correlations. Evolution, 50 (4), 1442-53 DOI: 10.2307/2410882

Futuyma, DJ. (2005). Evolution. First ed. Sunderland, MA: Sinauer Associates. Google Books.

Gallup, G. (1995). Have attitudes toward homosexuals been shaped by natural selection? Ethology and Sociobiology, 16 (1), 53-70 DOI: 10.1016/0162-3095(94)00028-6

Mousseau, T., & Roff, D. (1987). Natural selection and the heritability of fitness components. Heredity, 59 (2), 181-97 DOI: 10.1038/hdy.1987.113

The evolution of homophobia, continued

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On Twitter, hectocotyli just pointed me to another discussion of the problems with Gordon Gallup’s case for an adaptive function to homophobia (and linked to my take in connection, for which, thanks). Jon Wilkins goes into more detail on the general problem that evolutionary psychology too often accepts plausibility as the standard of proof for adaptive hypotheses.

In fact, it is trivially easy to come up with a plausible-sounding evolutionary argument to describe the origin of almost any trait. More importantly, it is often just as easy to come up with an equally plausible-sounding argument to describe the origin of a hypothetical scenario involving the exact opposite trait.

I think Wilkins is a little too polite in some regards; Gallup’s hypothesis doesn’t even qualify as “plausible” in the context of what we know today about its ugly component assumptions. (And what, by the way, Jesse Bering should have known before dredging up Gallup’s articles from well-deserved obscurity.) Nevertheless, Wilkins broadens the discussion to address scientific reasoning more generally, and the post is worth reading in its entirety.

An adaptive fairytale with no happy ending

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ResearchBlogging.orgThe evolution of human traits and behaviors is, as I’ve noted before, a contentious and personal subject. This is enough of a problem when there’s some data to inform the contentiousness. In the absence of meaningful data, it’s downright dangerous.

Take, for instance, Jesse Bering’s recent post about the evolution of homophobia, which Steve Silberman just pointed out to me.

A grim fairy tale indeed. Photo by K Wudrich.

When evolutionary biologists say a trait or behavior is “adaptive,” we mean that the trait or behavior is the way we see it now because natural selection has made it that way. That is, the trait or behavior is heritable, or passed down from parent to child more-or-less intact; and having it confers fitness benefits, or some probability of producing more offspring than folks who lack the trait. Lots of people, including some evolutionary biologists, speculate about the adaptive value of all sorts of traits—but in the absence of solid evidence for heritability or fitness benefits, such speculation tends to get derided as “adaptive storytelling.”

Evolutionary biology wasn’t always so rigorous, once upon a time. Then Stephen Jay Gould and Richard Lewontin buried adaptive storytelling under an avalanche of purple prose in their landmark 1979 essay “The Spandrels of San Marco” [PDF]. Norman Ellstrand made a similar point with better humor in a satirical 1983 article for the journal Evolution proposing adaptive explanations for why children always start life smaller than their parents [PDF]. Nowadays, when evolutionary biologists want to, say, argue that horned lizards’ horns are an adaptation for defense against predators, they have to demonstrate the claimed fitness benefit [PDF].

Evolutionary psychologists, however, seem not to have gotten the memo.

Bering’s post focuses on a series of studies by the evolutionary psychologist Gordon Gallup. Gallup was interested in the question of whether there might be an adaptive explanation for homophobia—which, given the fact that many (although far from all) human cultures treat homosexuality as a taboo—is a fair question for research. He hypothesized that treating homosexuality as taboo helped to prevent homosexual adults from contacting a homophobic parent’s children, which would reduce, however slightly, the prospects of those children growing up to be homosexual, and ensure more grandchildren for the homophobe.

Gallup supported this adaptive hypothesis with … evidence that straight people were uncomfortable about homosexuals coming into contact with children [$a]. Here’s the opening sentence of that paper’s abstract:

In a series of four surveys administered either to college students or adults, reactions toward homosexuals were found to vary as a function of (1) the homosexual’s likelihood of having contact with children and (2) the reproductive status (either real or imagined) of the respondent.

If you’ve noticed that this doesn’t mention evidence of heritability or a fitness benefit to homophobia, that’s not because I left it out—that’s because Gallup’s work contains no data to support either.

What this amounts to is arguing that homophobia is an adaptation favored by natural selection because homophobia is a thing that exists.

Could a complex behavior like homophobia have a genetic basis? Sure. Homosexuality itself is a complex behavior, and it certainly does have some genetic basis. However, the fact that attitudes toward homosexuality have shifted as far and as fast as they have in the last few decades suggests that any genetic effects underlying homophobia are pretty easy to overcome. Behaviors can be inherited culturally, too, since human children learn from their parents. But—note, again, lots of change in the last thirty years or so—cultural inheritance is more fleeting and malleable than biological inheritance.

Careful, Red Riding Hood—that wolf might be gay. Photo by crackdog.

What about Gallup’s proposed fitness benefit for homophobes? Well, that would require homophobia to, you know, actually prevent homosexuality. Gallup’s argument there hangs on two distasteful assertions. First, that gay men are more likely to be pedophiles, and second, that boys sexually abused by gay men are themselves more likely to grow up gay. In spite of Gallup’s assertions otherwise [$a], we have strong evidence from multiple studies that gay men are no more likely to be sexually attracted to children than straight men.

And there is, to my knowledge, no evidence to suggest that abuse can cause homosexuality. Bering cites a recent study that does document an association between childhood abuse and later homosexuality in men. However, the study’s authors point out that, “The reason for the connection between childhood sexual abuse and same-sex partnerships among men is not clear from our findings.”

… gay men tend, on average, to be more gender non-conforming as boys (Bailey & Zucker, 1995). This tendency could increase their appeal or conspicuousness to sexual predators, which might make them more likely to be victims of abuse (B. Mustanski, personal communication, February 11, 2008). Similarly, it is possible that boys who are developing and exploring a same-sex sexual orientation are more likely to enter situations where they are at risk for being sexually abused (Holmes & Slap, 1998). [In-text citations sic]

Why on Earth would Bering dredge up Gallup’s adaptive fairytale a decade and a half after it was published, if it was baseless to begin with and no new evidence supports it? Well, according to Bering, because he’s a hard-nosed scientist who isn’t afraid to consider uncomfortable possibilities.

Sometimes, science can be exceedingly rude—unpalatable, even. The rare batch of data, especially from the psychological sciences, can abruptly expose a society’s hypocrisies and capital delusions, all the ugly little seams in a culturally valued fable. I have always had a special affection for those scientists like Gallup who, in investigating highly charged subject matter, operate without curtseying to the court of public opinion.

Of course, says Bering, Gallup’s work isn’t conclusive, but it sure would be interesting if someone tested it.

Except, when Gallup was forming his hypotheses about the evolutionary benefits of gay-hating—he first proposed the idea in a 1983 article—he was hardly thumbing his nose at public opinion. He was, in fact, giving natural selection’s approval to the prevailing ugly stereotypes about gay men. And, as any competent evolutionary biologist would recognize, he did it without a shred of relevant evidence.

References

Ellstrand, N. (1983). Why are juveniles smaller than their parents? Evolution, 37 (5), 1091-4 DOI: 10.2307/2408423

Gallup GG Jr, & Suarez SD (1983). Homosexuality as a by-product of selection for optimal heterosexual strategies. Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 26 (2), 315-22 PMID: 6844119

Gallup, G. (1995). Have attitudes toward homosexuals been shaped by natural selection? Ethology and Sociobiology, 16 (1), 53-70 DOI: 10.1016/0162-3095(94)00028-6

Gallup, G. (1996). Attitudes toward homosexuals and evolutionary theory: The role of evidence. Ethology and Sociobiology, 17 (4), 281-284 DOI: 10.1016/0162-3095(96)00042-8

Gould, S., & Lewontin, R. (1979). The Spandrels of San Marco and the Panglossian paradigm: A critique of the adaptationist programme. Proc. Royal Soc. B, 205 (1161), 581-98 DOI: 10.1098/rspb.1979.0086

Wilson, H., & Widom, C. (2010). Does physical abuse, sexual abuse, or neglect in childhood increase the likelihood of same-sex sexual relationships and cohabitation? A prospective 30-year follow-up. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 39 (1), 63-74 DOI: 10.1007/s10508-008-9449-3

Young, K., Brodie, E.D., Jr., & Brodie, E.D., III (2004). How the horned lizard got its horns. Science, 304 (5667) DOI: 10.1126/science.1094790

Testimony from the front lines, Exhibit B.

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Via the Hairpin’s sister site The Awl this time: Queer students at the very Christian Harding University have published a ‘zine trying to explain themselves to the rest of the student body. It’s pretty damn’ hard to read, although maybe just because it sounds pretty damn’ familiar to me:

Our voices are muted, our stories go unheard, and we are forced into hiding. We are threatened with re-orientation therapy, social isolation, and expulsion. We are told stories and lies that we are disgusting sinnners who are dammed [sic] to hell, that we are broken individuals and child abusers. We are told we will live miserable lives and are responsible for the collapse of civilization. …. We are good people who are finished being treated as second-class citizens at Harding. We have done nothing wrong and we did not choose this suppression.

From the vantage point of someone for whom it got better, it’s hard not to see a certain amount of cognitive dissonance underlying the attempts to engage the intended audience with Biblical exegesis. But you know what, Harding University queers? Whether or not God hears your “cries for liberation from harsh oppression,” the rest of us do.

Naturally, Harding University has blocked access to the ‘zine website on its campus.

We need to hear what we’d rather not

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The issues faced by women in the blogosphere—higher expectations, less recognition, and casual sexism—have officially emerged as the most important discussion topic in the wake of ScienceOnline 2011.

Kate Clancy kicked things off with her recap of the conference panel “Perils of blogging as a woman under a real name.” Christie Wilcox followed up by calling out the flagrant sexism of many of her male readers, which made David Dobbs righteously angry—and, seriously, who actually believes that any sentence containing the word “tits” is complimentary in any context? Emily Willingham noted that her voice is unique in ways beyond her gender. And now Clancy is rounding up the rapidly propagating conversation.

The conversation’s ongoing in the comments on all these posts, and (barring a handful of amazingly clueless folks) mostly great reading. My major thought on the subject remains what I said in first tweeting about the post that started it all: the most valuable parts of this conversation are the things that men are probably not all that happy to hear. When I read

  • We are all very, very tired of making a point on a blog, on twitter, or in a meeting, being ignored, having a man make the same point, then having that man get all the credit. Very tired.

my first thought was defensive: I’ve never done that! My second was, Oh, crap. Have I done that?

I’ve long believed that the value of a sermon is proportionate to how uncomfortable it makes its audience. No one needs to be told they’re doing just fine as they are. But if we’re not doing fine, we need to hear about it. So to the women science bloggers leading this conversation, I want to say: keep calling out male thoughtlessness, in specifics as well as in general. If I miss that you said something first because I’m not reading your blog, drop a link in the comments. If I write something stupid, e-mail me and complain. I may not be thrilled to be corrected, but that probably means I needed it.

Evolution’s Rainbow, from sparrows’ stripes to lizard lesbianism

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This post was chosen as an Editor's Selection for ResearchBlogging.orgEvolutionary biology is not just the study of how living things change over time, but the study of how the diversity of living things changes over time. Diversity is the raw material sculpted by natural selection, carved into more-or-less discrete chunks by speciation, and lost forever in extinction.

Joan Roughgarden is even more preoccupied with diversity than most evolutionary biologists. Some of her earliest published studies examine the evolution of optimum niche width, the range of resources a species uses, using mathematical modeling [$a] and empirical studies of resource and habitat use in Anolis lizards [$a]. Roughgarden didn’t treat a species as a uniform group, but a collection of individuals all making a living in slightly different ways. Among other subjects, her work informed thinking about ecological release, the changes that reshape populations freed from predators or competitors.

White-throated sparrows are just one species with more than two gender roles. (Flickr: hjhipster)

This interest in the evolutionary context of diversity would eventually become much more personal. In 1998, she came out as transgendered, taking the name Joan after decades spent establishing her scientific reputation under the name she was given at birth, Jonathan. In addition to the challenges inherent to gender transition, Roughgarden’s expertise intersects with her identity in one awkward question: in a biological world shaped by natural selection, how can we explain the evolution of lesbians, gay men, and transgendered people—individuals who are not interested in sexual activity that passes on their genes?

Continue reading →

“Lab Romance”

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Submitted as further evidence in support the point I have previously made regarding the general gay-friendliness of academic biology.

Science online, chasing the rainbow edition

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Photo by dachalan.
  • In case you missed it the first time around. BoingBoing marked National Coming Out Day this Monday with great pieces by Maggie Koerth-Baker and Steve Silberman documenting the experiences of sexual minorities in the sciences. See also the personal story of the gay son of a physics professor who called himself “a proud homophobe”, an article in Science Careers, and a forthcoming study of LGBT experiences in engineering [PDF].
  • Lucky for them, they never invented jet travel. Sea anemones—whose common ancestor with humans lived about 600 million years ago—possess some of the same physiological features that give us our circadian rythym. (Dave Munger for SEED Magazine)
  • Gesundheit! A universal flu vaccine may be possible, in the not-too-distant future. (Virology Blog)
  • Congratulations! Ed Yong wins a National Academies Communications Award for Not Exactly Rocket Science.
  • Being somewhat wrong is better than knowing nothing at all. Estimates of the rates at which species arise based on phylogenies still work pretty well if there is uncertainty or error in the phylogeny. (dechronization)
  • Oy. Nature‘s science news feature mistakenly refers to platypuses (platypi? platypodes?) as marsupials. (The Tree of Life)
  • Fossil forests! In commemoration of Wednesday’s National Fossil Day, Anne Jefferson presents a virtual field trip to the John Day Fossil Beds in eastern Oregon. (Highly Allochthonous)
  • To be fair, hoverflies are not very bright. Orchids pollinated by aphid-feeding hoverflies smell like aphids. (LabSpaces)

Preach it!

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Dan Savage has had it with moderate Christians who complain about his emphasis on the bigotry of the fundamentalists.

I’m sick of tolerant, accepting Christians whispering to me that “we’re not all like that.” If you want to change the growing perception that “good Christian” means “anti-gay”—a perception that is leading many people to stop identifying themselves as Christian because they don’t want to be lumped in with the haters—stop whispering to me and start screaming at them. Until there are moderate and “welcoming” Christian groups that are just as big, well-funded, aggressive, and loud as the conservative Christian organizations, “welcoming” Christians are in no position to complain about the perception that all Christians are anti-gay. Your co-religionists have invested decades and millions of dollars in creating that perception. You let it happen.